(1–3 -ian, -iʓan, -ia, 2–4 -ien, -ie, 3– iȝen, -eȝen, -ye(n, -in, 3–4 -i, 4–5 -ey, 8 -ee, 3– -y) represents OE. infin. ending -ian of the 2nd class of weak verbs (having pa. t. in -ode and pa. pple. in -od), corresp. to OFris. -ia, OS. -ôian, -ôn, (MLG., MDu. -en), OHG. -ôn (MHG., G. -en), Goth. -ôn :— OTeut. *-ōjan. This class of verbs is denominative; e.g., OE. sealfian to anoint :— *salƀojan, f. *salƀō ointment, salve, hearpian to harp, f. hearp harp, and contains many intrans. verbs derived from adjs., e.g., cólian to be cool (= OS. côlôn) :— *kōlōjan, f. *kōluz cool, nearwian to be narrow, f. nearu narrow; it was swelled in prehistoric OE. by the passing over to it of many verbs that orig. belonged to the -ǣjan class, as hátian :— *hātōjan, -ǣjan to hate (cf. OHG. haȥȥôn beside haȥȥên). Adoptions of foreign verbs were regularly taken into this class, e.g., OE. fersian to versify, (ʓe)temprian to moderate, offrian to sacrifice.
By the 13th century this suffix had become restricted to the southern and western districts of England, and in the course of the century became generalized in those parts as the infin. ending of all verbs of whatever origin. The following are some examples of the extension of its use: in verbs orig. belonging to other conjugations, brukien (OE. brúcan) to enjoy, nemni (OE. nemnan) to name (Layamon); in new derivatives on native stems, chapfari to chaffer (Ayenbite), grundien to sink (Layamon), kniȝti to knight (King Horn); in verbs from Scandinavian, lastin (ON. lasta) to blame, trosti (Ayenbite); in verbs from French, not only those in -ier, -ir, -ire (the similarity of which to the ME. suffix would naturally suggest adoption into the -ien conjugation), boili (OF. boillir) to boil, consenti (OF. consentir), herberȝi (OF. herbergier) to harbor, saisi (OF. saisir) to seize, trety (OF. traitier) to treat—including those of the -iss- conjugation, norisi, norischei (OF. noriss-) to nourish, perissy (OF. periss-) to perish—but many also of other classes, anuri (OF. anourer) to worship, fausie (OF. fauser) to fail, granti (AF. graunter) to grant, ioyni (OF. ioign-) to join, tempti (OF. tempter) to tempt (these forms occur in various texts from Layamon to Ayenbite). This suffix has been in continuous use in the south-west until the present day, when it is the regular infin. ending of verbs when used intrans. in the counties of Somerset, Devon, and Dorset. Examples and illustrations since 1400 are:—
c. 1430. Two Cookery-bks., 7. Gadere alle þe kreme in þe clothe, an let hongy on an pyn. Ibid., 31. Take Porke or Beef, wheþer þe lykey.
1484. Yatton Churchw. Acc. (Som. Rec. Soc.), 115. To costs to rydy for the Chals that waste ystole xijd.
1746. Exmoor Scolding (E.D.S.), 143. Thee wut ruckee, and squattee, and doattee in the Chimley Coander lick an Axwaddle.
1825. Jennings, Observ. Dial. W. Eng., 6–7. Another peculiarity is that of attaching to many of the common verbs in the infinitive mode, as well as to some other parts of different conjugations, the letter y. Thus it is very common to say I can’t sewy, I can’t nursy, he can’t reapy, he can’t sawy; as well as to sewy, to nursy, to reapy, to sawy, &c. but never, I think, without an auxiliary verb, or the sign of the infinitive to.
1863. Barnes, Dorset Dial., 28. The truth is, that in the Dorset the verb takes y only when it is absolute, and never with an accusative case. We may say, ‘Can ye zewy?’ but never ‘Wull ye zewy up thāse zēam?’ ‘Wull ye zew up theāse zēam?’ would be good Dorset.
Belonging to this use of the free infinitive y-ended verbs, is another kindred one, the showing of a repetition or habit of the action, as
‘How the dog do jumpy,’ i. e. keep jumping. ‘The child do like to whippy,’ amuse himself with whipping. ‘Idle chap, He’ll do nothèn but vishy, (spend his time in fishing,) if you do leāve en alwone.’ ‘He do markety,’ He attends market.
